This area follows relentlessly a year-old border with a territory formerly occupied by Catholic Spain and now dominated by the most orthodox Calvinists. Madrid and the Mediterranean coast switched to the right more recently. This is where most of the economic and housing boom took place, until the bubble collapsed a few years ago. Patterns in Portugal are consistent with neighboring Spain, the north being characterized by conservative and religious small farmers and the south by large estates, strong unions, and leftist sentiments. As socialist as southern Iberia has become, southern Italy, consisting of the former Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, has turned conservative.
Religion and the mafia are somewhat omnipresent in this heartland of supporters of former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. This controversial rightist leader was also backed in the far richer north, leaving the central regions like Emilia-Romagna and Tuscany to the left, a division that goes back centuries.
The East European countries show the most volatile party landscapes, a product of young democracies that suddenly and with no preparation succeeded rule for decades by the communist leaders of the Soviet Union. Identities are more complex, as boundaries were drawn quite arbitrarily during the last century. Countries like Poland and Romania are electorally split along former international borders. Further east is Ukraine. The areas that were once part of Poland-Lithuania massively support the pro-Western parties, while the East and South vote strongly pro-Russian.
In Germany, more than two decades after unification of communist East with capitalist West, electoral differences between the two sectors seem stronger than ever, with a clear preference for Die Linke The Left in the East. This party grew out of the former communist regime and thrives on nostalgic sentiments toward the communist past. After the bloody Balkan Wars, the former Yugoslavia disintegrated into six different states, but even these are far from mono-cultural.
The three main ethnic groups in Bosnia are voting by and large for their own ethnic parties, a pattern that was even reinforced at the very recent October elections. Ethnic Albanians got their microstate of Kosovo at the expense of Serbia, while Kosovo now includes Serbian enclaves. Even in countries with more stable borders, outspoken regionalist or separatist parties take a share of the electorate, like in Scotland, Wales, and Catalonia.
In Belgium, Flemish parties that want to reform or even dismantle the state dominate politics. They feel stuck with poorer and inefficient French-speaking Wallonia. And Italy has its separatist Northern League that profits from a northern sentiment of being squeezed by the poor south for subsidies it can ill-afford. The already long-simmering north-south split in Italy has proven a precursor for the current crisis in Europe. Large money transfers were sent southwards, provoking opposition in the north but also in the south, which suffered under the burdens that accompanied such largesse.
There have been large cutbacks in public services, and unemployment has skyrocketed. Since the economic crisis broke out six years ago, Euroskepticism has also advanced. Feelings of discontent are further strengthened by longstanding issues such as immigration and ongoing cuts to the welfare state. In several countries, this has led to the rise of rightist, in other cases leftist, populist parties. This is accompanied by a blurring of positions of both right and left. Traditionally, the left promotes an extended welfare state and is progressive on social-cultural issues like immigration and crime, while the reverse is true for the right.
But many voters, primarily the less-educated, combine pro-welfare opinions with quite conservative positions on cultural themes. In their opinion, public services should be improved. Elder care is often mentioned, but immigrants should be excluded and criminals should be given harsher punishments. Several right-wing populist parties were successful after adding specific leftist political views, particularly regarding health care and pensions, to their nationalist and repressive discourses.
The so-called horseshoe-model of left and right has been closed at the bottom. In addition to distinctions between rich and poor, or religious and secular, a gap has emerged between the highly-educated, embracing individualistic and cosmopolitan values, and profiting from open borders on the one hand, and on the other hand, the less educated, more nationalist, community-oriented, and nostalgic, who all feel threatened by globalization and immigration.
The nature of right-wing populist movements differs by country, and it is dangerous to lump them together. Parties do have their own controversial hobbyhorses, and when confronted with their differences, right-wing populist leaders frequently feel an urge to distance themselves from colleagues in other countries.
Nevertheless, they all profit from similar discontent in their societies, relating to immigration, globalization, European integration, and economic stagnation.
They all attract a comparable electorate, and often have a charismatic leader who claims to be in touch with the common people. There are still some points of contention between these rightist movements. While the Dutch Freedom Party defends hard-won gay rights against bigoted Muslims, sexual diversity is strongly opposed by similar parties in other countries. Israeli actions in the Middle East are often backed by rightist populist parties in northwestern Europe, particularly in Norway, Britain, and the Netherlands, while many other rightist movements in eastern and southern Europe have an anti-Semitic past.
The further east and southeast we go in Europe, the more rough and anti-democratic radical right-wing parties seem to become, as they are often attempting to mirror some of the more authoritarian aspects of the communist era that substantial elements in their electorates view nostalgically. Populism in the rich Alpine countries is again something different.
In southern Europe, more left-wing or centrist populists are catching fire. These parties flourish on anger about austerity measures and, somewhat contrary to their rightist northern counterparts, attract a raft of votes among young urban populations. The geographical redistribution of support for the populist right will be a product of globalization, deindustrialization, economic crisis, and aging, often shrinking, populations. Young, educated populations in service-oriented urban regions seem to be assuming leadership roles in many countries.
Inner cities are booming and trending increasingly leftist and liberal. At the same time, industrial towns are struggling, along with older suburbs that are in decay, as the affluent opt for life in the inner city or the more remote suburbs. Exactly these kinds of areas are embracing the populist right. Open main navigation Live TV. Full Schedule. Live Radio. Live TV.
Redrawing the Map of Wizarding Europe
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Hardiness zones in the U. Source: United States Department of Agriculture. Midwest, you can plant asparagus in March or April. The U. Each zone marks out a 10 degrees F band, from to degrees F in zone 1 to 60 to 70 degrees F in zone When that map was last updated , in , nearly half the country was upgraded to half a zone warmer than it had been in ; in other words, all the lines shifted on average a little to the north.
That was partly thanks to more detailed mapping techniques, the authors of the map reported, but also because temperatures were warmer in the more recent data set. The researchers who produced the revision stopped short of saying the change was due to climate change, especially since the method of how they produced the map changed so much from one version to the next.
But others have followed up on the same idea to show how climate change, specifically, is shifting U.
How the Populist Right Is Redrawing the Map of Europe
That means big changes in store for three major cash crops, they note. Almonds will see their suitable growing range expand from 73 percent of the continental U.
Kiwifruit will bump up from 23 percent to 32 percent during the same period, and oranges from 5 percent to 8 percent. So the shift in hardiness zones is good news for perennial cash crops in the U. As global air temperatures rise, permafrost is retreating north, moving as far as 80 miles poleward over a half-century in parts of Canada.
Source: Berkeley Earth. As the planet warms, the Arctic is feeling it the most: Temperatures in northern regions are rising at about twice the global average.
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As the line delineating an average temperature of 0 degrees Celsius moves north, so too does the permafrost line. National Snow and Ice Data Center. That means much of the evidence of permafrost thaw so far is either anecdotal or limited to specific well-monitored regions. One study in northern Canada found that the permafrost around James Bay had retreated 80 miles north over 50 years. Studies of ground temperatures in boreholes have also revealed frightening rates of change, says Schafer. Extremely rapid.
The future looks similarly dire.